Cleopatra VII Philopator was the most politically capable ruler the Ptolemaic dynasty produced, and she failed anyway. This is not a contradiction. She operated in a political environment — the Roman civil wars of the late first century BC — where even the most capable maneuvering could not fully compensate for the structural weakness of a client kingdom dependent on whichever Roman faction happened to be ascendant. She made the best choices available to her at each decision point. The choices were not enough. Egypt became a Roman province in 30 BC, the year of her death.

Colleen McCullough published The First Man in Rome in 1990 and over the following fifteen years completed six more novels covering the late Roman Republic from Marius and Sulla through the assassination of Caesar. The Masters of Rome series is the most extensively researched work of Roman historical fiction in English, the most narratively ambitious attempt to dramatize the Republic’s collapse in any medium, and the most reliably frustrating reading experience for anyone who comes to it wanting something other than a seven-volume commitment to historical immersion.

Ancient Rome has not left contemporary art alone, and contemporary art has not left ancient Rome alone. The relationship between them is different from the academic tradition’s engagement — less archaeologically earnest, more ironic, more interested in the tension between the ruin and its meanings than in the reconstruction of what the ruin was before it ruined. Contemporary artists approaching Rome approach a subject already saturated with prior appropriations: the neoclassical, the Victorian, the fascist, the cinematic. To paint or photograph or install Rome now is to navigate a layered history of representations that is itself part of the subject.

In the Altes Museum in Berlin there is a circular painted panel, tempera on wood, roughly 30 centimeters in diameter, made in Egypt around 200 AD. It shows a Roman imperial family in full regalia: a bearded emperor in the upper right wearing the jeweled diadem of the Severan dynasty; his wife beside him on the upper left, dark-eyed and elaborately coiffed; a young man below them in the center wearing his own smaller diadem. A fourth face occupies the lower left — or rather, a fourth face should occupy it. What is there instead is bare wood, scratched down to nothing by something sharp, the ghost of a face removed with deliberate force at some point after the panel was painted. The family portrait has three people in it. It was made to have four.

Edward Poynter’s Cave of the Storm Nymphs, his Israel in Egypt, and his Lesbia, along with the Roman paintings of his contemporaries John William Waterhouse and Edward John Poynter, belong to a specific Victorian sub-genre that might be called moral archaeology: the use of meticulously researched ancient settings to explore contemporary anxieties about gender, sexuality, empire, and the relationship between civilization and decadence. These paintings are not straightforwardly about Rome or Egypt or Greece. They are about Victorian England, using the distance of antiquity as a frame that permitted the examination of subjects that contemporaneity made difficult.

Ephesus was the most important city in the Roman province of Asia — which meant it was one of the most important cities in the world. At its imperial peak in the second century AD, its population may have reached 200,000 to 500,000 people, making it one of the three or four largest urban centers in the Roman Empire after Rome itself and Alexandria. It sat at the western terminus of the major trade routes from the Anatolian interior and the eastern Mediterranean, on a harbor that connected it to the Aegean sea lanes, and it possessed in the Temple of Artemis one of the seven wonders of the ancient world. What the site preserves today — the most extensively excavated and partially reconstructed ancient city in the world — is an archaeological window into Roman urban life of a quality available nowhere else.

The bust in the Altes Museum in Berlin is one of the more technically striking Roman portrait pieces in any German collection. The head is Carrara marble — white, fine-grained, the standard material for imperial portraiture — but the drapery is carved from a deeply veined breccia, red and brown and amber in layered striations that catch the light differently at every angle. The polychrome combination, fashionable in later reworkings of ancient busts, gives the portrait an unusual visual richness: the cool classical face above the warm geological drama of the clothing. The label identifies her plainly. Kaiserin Faustina die Jüngere. Empress Faustina the Younger. Wife of Marcus Aurelius. Marble, 141–175 AD.

Frederic Leighton, Lord Leighton, President of the Royal Academy from 1878 until his death in 1896, was the dominant figure in British academic painting in the second half of the nineteenth century, and his engagement with classical antiquity — primarily Greek and Roman — was the defining subject of his career. Unlike Alma-Tadema, whose classical paintings were organized around the reconstruction of material culture, or Poynter, whose Romans served moral arguments, Leighton’s classicism was organized around a single overriding concern: beauty as an end in itself, the human figure in relation to drapery and landscape, the moment of formal perfection that painting could capture and sustain.

Ridley Scott’s Gladiator arrived in 2000 and revived the sword-and-sandal epic as a commercially viable genre after a forty-year hiatus. It won the Academy Award for Best Picture. It made Russell Crowe a star. It sent tourism to Rome’s Colosseum surging. It also contained enough historical inaccuracy to sustain a small academic industry of correction, none of which has diminished its cultural influence by a measurable degree.

What Scott got right is worth acknowledging first, because the film’s defenders are not entirely wrong. The production design is serious in a way that the 1950s epics it superficially resembles were not. The texture of a Roman legionary camp — the tents, the equipment, the organizational density — reads as the work of people who had looked at the archaeological record. The Colosseum sequences capture something real about the theatrical staging of Roman spectacle: the trap doors, the dramatic entrances, the relationship between the crowd and the performance. The physical scale of the arena, the way it processes tens of thousands of people, the machinery beneath the floor — all of this is handled with a seriousness that rewards attention. And the relationship between Maximus and his soldiers in the opening battle sequence reflects genuine research into how Roman generals cultivated personal loyalty among their troops.

Hadrian spent more time away from Rome than any emperor before or after him. In twenty-one years of rule, from 117 to 138 AD, he made two extended tours of the empire’s provinces, personally inspecting frontiers, reviewing troops, visiting cities, correcting administrative abuses, and leaving behind a physical record of his passage in the form of temples, baths, aqueducts, and the walls and frontier fortifications whose most famous example still bears his name. He was the most traveled of emperors, the most architecturally prolific, and the most systematically interested in the practical realities of governance at the provincial level. He was also the most controversial figure of the Antonine dynasty, for reasons that have as much to do with his personality as with his policies.